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^ND POLAND 

A COMPARISON 



BY 

T. W. ROLLESTON 

TIRST HON. SECRETARY OF THE IRISH LITERARY SOCIETY, LONDON; 

LATE ASSISTANT EDITOR OF THE "NEW IRISH LIBRARY," AND 

CO-EDITOR OF "A TREASURY OF IRISH POETRY"; AUTHOR 

OF "MYTHS AND LEGENDS OF THE CELTIC RACE," ETC. 



NEW YORK 
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS IN AMERICA FOR HODDER & STOUGHTON 
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Price 5 cents 



IRELAND AND POLAND 



The United Kingdom is composed of four distinct 
nationalities. Each of these has retained its own dis- 
tinct character, its own national history, its own patriot- 
ism and self-respect. Their affairs, great and small, gen- 
eral or local, are administered by one Parliament in 
which each is fully represented. A large majority of 
the Irish people have, however, asked that in addition to 
some representation in the united Parliament they shall 
be granted a local Parliament for the management of 
their own internal affairs. The fact that this demand, 
which has an important imperial as well as local bear- 
ing, has not yet been complied with has constantly been 
used by the enemies of the Entente Powers to represent 
as false and hypocritical the claims of those Powers to 
be regarded as the champions of the rights of small 
nationalities; and the case of Ireland has been com- 
pared with that of Prussian Poland, as though the 
peoples of these two countries were suffering the same 
kind of oppression, the same injustice, the same denial 
of the right of every man to live and prosper in his 
own land on equal terms with his fellow-citizens in 
every other part of the realm. 

The best answer to this charge is to tell plainly, 
without contention or exaggeration, what the united 
Parliament has done for Ireland since the beginning 
of the period of reform nearly fifty years ago. That 
is what is here attempted, so far as it can be done in a 
few pages. It must be fully understood that on the 
Home Rule question the present statement has no bear- 
ing whatever. That difficult problem lies in an alto- 
gether different sphere of politics, and must be judged 
by considerations which cannot be touched on here. 
Without, however, trenching in any degree on con- 

1 



2 IRELAND AND POLAND 

troversial ground, it may be pointed out that the crucial 
difficulty of the Home Rule question lies, and has al- 
ways lain, in the fact that in Ireland a substantial and 
important minority amounting to about 25 per cent, of 
the population, and differing from the rest of the 
country in religion, national traditions, and economic 
development, has hitherto been resolutely opposed to 
passing from the immediate government of the imperial 
Parliament to that of any other body. This minority 
being, for the most part, grouped together in the North- 
east counties, the late Government attempted to solve 
the difficulty by offering immediate Home Rule to that 
section of Ireland which desires it, while leaving the re- 
mainder as it is until Parliament should otherwise de- 
cree. This proposal was rejected by the general opinion 
of Nationalist Ireland, which was firmly opposed to the 
partition of the country for any indefinite period. The 
question, therefore, remains for the present in suspense, 
until a solution can be found which will not only ensure 
the integrity and security of the Empire but reconcile 
the conflicting desires and interests of Irishmen them- 
selves. 

Ireland Fifty Years Ago 

So much to clear the ground in regard to the Home 
Rule controversy. I shall now ask the reader to glance 
for a moment at the condition of Ireland fifty years 
ago. At that time almost the whole agricultural popula- 
tion were in the position of tenants-at-will, with no 
security either against increased rents or arbitrary evic- 
tion. The housing of the rural population, and es- 
pecially of the agricultural labourers, was wretched in 
the extreme. Local taxation and administration were 
wholly in the hands of Grand Juries, bodies appointed 
by the Crown from among the country gentlemen in 
each district. Irish Roman Catholics were without any 
system of University education comparable to that which 
Protestants had enjoyed for three hundred years in the 
University of Dublin. A Church which, whatever its 
historic claims may have been, numbered only about 
12 per cent, of the population was established by law 



IRELAND AND POLAND 3 

and supported by tithes levied on the whole country. 
Technical education was inaccessible to the great bulk 
of the nation; and in no department of public educa- 
tion, of any grade or by whomsoever administered, was 
any attention paid to Irish history, the Irish language, 
Irish literature, or any subject which might lead young 
Irishmen to a better knowledge and understanding of 
the special problems of their country and its special 
claims to the love and respect of its children. 

That was the Ireland of fifty years ago. It is an 
Ireland which at the present day lives only on the lips 
of anti-British orators and journalists. It is an Ireland 
as dead as the France of Louis XIV. Of the abuses and 
disabilities just recounted not one survives to-day. The 
measures by which they have been removed place to the 
credit of the United Kingdom a record of reform the 
details of which, for the benefit of friends or foes, may 
be here very briefly set down. 

Religious Equality 

In 1869 the Protestant Episcopal Church was dises- 
tablished and disendowed, and is now — many Church- 
men believe to its great spiritual advantage — on the 
same level as regards its means of support as every 
other denomination in Ireland. It may be mentioned 
that the Eoman Catholic Church in Ireland was long 
in the enjoyment of a State subsidy for the education of 
its clergy, a subsidy commuted in 1869 for a capital 
sum of £370,000. 

Land Reform 

As comparisons have been drawn between the sys- 
tems of government in Ireland and in Poland, let 
us consider for a moment the condition of the Polish 
rural population under German rule. It must be noted 
that the recent promises of Polish autonomy made by 
Germany — obviously for military and temporary rea- 
sons — refer only to those portions of Polish territory 
held by other States. No change is to be made in the 
position of Prussian Poland. Here, for many years, it 



4 IRELAND AND POLAND 

has been, and still is, the avowed object of the Prus- 
sian Government either to extirpate or forcibly Teu- 
tonise this Slavonic population, and to replant the coun- 
try with German colonists. The German Chancellor in 
1900, Prince von Biilow, defended this anti-Polish policy 
in the cynical saying that "rabbits breed faster than 
hares, ' ' and the meaner animal, the Pole, must therefore 
be drastically kept down in favour of the German. Be- 
tween 1886 and 1906 the Prussian Government was 
spending over a million sterling a year in buying out 
Polish landowners, great and small, and planting Ger- 
mans in their stead. The measure proved futile; the 
"rabbits" still multiplied, for the Poles bought land 
from German owners faster than the Government did 
from them. In 1904, in order to check the development 
of Polish agriculture and land-settlement, the Govern- 
ment took the extreme step of forbidding Poles to build 
new farmhouses without a licence. A still more oppres- 
sive measure came in 1908, when, in clear defiance of 
the German Constitution, the Prussian Government 
actually took powers and were voted funds — from taxa- 
tion paid by Poles and Germans alike — for the com- 
pulsory expropriation of Polish owners against whom 
nothing whatever could be alleged except their non- 
German nationality. These powers have been put into 
operation, and every Pole in Prussia now holds his 
patrimony on his own soil on the sufferance of a Gov- 
ernment which regards his very existence as a nuisance, 
because he occupies a place which a German might other- 
wise fill. 

During precisely the same period the British Gov- 
ernment in Ireland has been bending the wealth and 
credit of the United Kingdom to objects precisely the 
reverse. Ireland, owing to the wars and confiscations 
of the seventeenth century, had come to have a land- 
owning aristocracy mainly of English descent with a 
Celtic peasantry holding their farms as yearly tenants. 
The object of British land-legislation has been to ex- 
propriate the landlords, so far as their tenanted land 
is concerned, and to establish the Irish peasant as ab- 
solute owner of the land he tills. The Irish tenant is 



IRELAND AND POLAND 5 

now subject only to rents fixed by law; he can at any 
time sell the interest in his farm, which he has, there- 
fore, a direct interest in improving; he is also assisted 
by a great scheme of land-purchase to become owner of 
his land on paying the price by terminable instalments, 
which are usually some 20 per cent, less than the amount 
he formerly paid as rent. Under this scheme about two- 
thirds of the Irish tenantry have already become owners 
of their farms, while the remainder enjoy a tenure 
which is almost as easy and secure as ownership itself. 
It is not surprising, then, that a German economist who 
has made a special study of this subject should declare 
that "the Irish tenants have had conditions assured to 
them more favourable than any other tenantry in the 
world enjoy"; adding the dry comment that in Ireland 
the "magic of property" appears to consist in the fact 
that it is cheaper to acquire it than not.* That magic 
has been worked for Ireland by the British Legislature 
and by British credit. As in Prussia, compulsory powers 
(limited by certain conditions and to certain districts) 
stand behind the schemes of the Government; but the 
compulsion is exercised not against the Irishman in 
favour of the English settler, but against the (usually) 
English landlord in favour of the Irish tenant. The 
State is now pledged to about £130,000,000 for the 
furtherance of this scheme, the instalments and sinking 
fund to the amount of about £5,000,000 a year being 
paid with exemplary regularity by the farmers who have 
taken advantage of it. 

The Congested Districts Board 

In the poorer and more backward regions of the 
West it has been felt that the above measures are not 
enough, and a special agency has been constituted with 
very wide powers to help the Western farmer, and not 
only the farmer, but the fisherman, the weaver, or any- 
one pursuing a productive occupation there, to make 

* Professor M. Bonn, of Munich University. ' ' Modern Ireland 
and her Agrarian Problem,' ' pp. 151, 162, translated from "Die 
irische Agrarf rage. ' ' ArcJiiv fiir Sozialwissenschaft; Mohr, Tu- 
bingen. 



6 IRELAND AND POLAND 

the most of his resources and to develop his industry in 
the best possible way. This Board commands a statutory 
endowment of £231,000 a year. A system of light rail- 
ways which now covers these remote districts has given 
new and valuable facilities for the marketing of fish 
and every kind of produce. 

The various Boards and other agencies by which 
these measures are carried into execution are manned 
almost exclusively by Irishmen. 

The Agricultural Labourer 

There is a world of difference between the present 
lot of the Irish agricultural labourer and his condi- 
tion in 1883, when reform in this department was first 
taken in hand. Cottages can now be provided by the 
Eural District Councils and let at nominal rents. 
Nearly nine millions sterling have been voted for this 
purpose at low interest, with sinking fund, and up to 
the present date 47,000 cottages have been built, each 
with its plot of land, while several thousand more are 
sanctioned. 

Of the results of the Labourers ' Act a recent observer 
writes : — 

"The Irish agricultural labourer can now obtain a 
cottage with three rooms, a piggery, and garden allot- 
ment of an acre or half an acre, and for this he is 
charged a rent of one to two shillings a week. . . . 
These cottages by the wayside give a hopeful aspect 
to the country, . . . flowers are before the doors of 
the new cottages and creepers upon the walls. The 
labourer can keep pigs, poultry, and a goat, and grow 
his potatoes and vegetables in his garden allotment. ' ' * 

Local Government 

In 1898 a Local Government Bill was passed for Ire- 
land which placed the administration of the poor law 
and other local affairs for rural districts on the same 

*Padraic Colum: "My Irish Year," pp. 18, 19. 



IRELAND AND POLANt) 7 

footing as in England. The rule of the Grand Juries, 
which had lasted for two and a half centuries, and 
which had, on the whole, carried on local affairs with 
credit and success, was now entirely swept away, and 
elected bodies were placed in full control of local taxa- 
tion, administration, and patronage. In the case of the 
larger towns free municipal institutions had already 
existed for some sixty years. In these the franchise 
was now reduced, and is wide enough both in town and 
country to admit every class of the population. Since 
1899 the new elective bodies have had important duties 
to fulfil in regard to the development of agriculture 
and technical instruction. 



The Department of Agriculture and Technical In- 
struction 

This new Irish Department of State grew out of a 
demand formulated after long inquiry and discussion 
by a voluntary Irish committee representing both Union- 
ist and Nationalist opinion. It was established in 1899, 
and now commands the large endowment of £197,000 a 
year, with a capital sum of over £200,000. The annual 
endowment is clear of all charges for offices and staff, 
which are on the Civil Service Estimates. Its head 
is a Minister responsible to Parliament, but associated 
with him are Boards of Agriculture and Technical In- 
struction, two-thirds of which are elected respectively by 
County and Borough Councils. Without their concur- 
rence no expenditure can be undertaken, and local work 
is largely carried on through committees appointed by 
these Councils. The people at large are therefore inti- 
mately and responsibly associated with the work of the 
Department, the annual meetings of which form a kind 
of industrial Parliament, where the whole economic or- 
ganisation of Ireland can be reviewed, debated, and de- 
veloped. The Department works by teaching, by in- 
quiry, by experiment, and has an immense field of 
activity in dealing with cattle diseases, the improve- 
ment of stock, the control of creameries, the marketing 
of produce, etc. It has also brought facilities for techni- 



8 IRELAND AND POLAND 

cal instruction into every important centre of popula- 
tion. 

University Education 

This important question was settled in 1908 by the 
foundation of a new University, the " National Uni- 
versity," with its central authority in Dublin and col- 
leges in Dublin (the old Catholic University of which 
Cardinal Newman was rector), in Cork, and in Gal- 
way. The University is open to all creeds, and may not 
impose religious tests upon its students, but its govern- 
ment is mainly in the hands of the Roman Catholic 
hierarchy, and it is accepted as a fair settlement of the 
question of Catholic higher education in Ireland. In 
the management of its internal affairs, the appointment 
of professors, the selection of textbooks, etc., the Na- 
tional University is wholly autonomous and free from 
Government interference. One of its most remarkable 
features is that the Irish language has been made an 
obligatory subject for matriculation. The endowment 
of the University, with its constituent colleges, amounts 
to £74,000 a year, and it was voted a capital sum for 
building and equipment of £170,000. It need hardly be 
said that no parallel to this institution exists in Prus- 
sian Poland. 



Language and Native Culture 

In this as in other respects a comparison with the 
theory and practice of German administration may help 
to place the policy of the United Kingdom in its proper 
light. When at the Congress of Vienna, 1815, Prussia 
definitely acquired her present share of Polish territory, 
King Friedrich Wilhelm III promised for himself and 
his successors, "on my kingly word," that the Poles 
should have religious freedom, the use of the Polish 
language in administration, in the Law Courts and in 
the schools, and be in all respects on an equality with 
their German fellow-citizens. We have already seen 
how these promises were kept in regard to the vital 



IRELAND AND POLAND 9 

question of the ownership of land. They have been no 
less flagrantly broken in regard to the national language. 
The use of Polish is strictly prohibited at all public 
meetings. No Polish deputy to the Reichstag may ad- 
dress his constituents in the only language they under- 
stand. Since 1873 German alone may be taught in the 
national schools. The language of instruction must 
be German wherever half the pupils are capable of un- 
derstanding it, and after 1928 it is decreed that no other 
language must be heard in the schoolroom. A decree 
of 1899 forbids teachers to use Polish even in their 
own family circles. Anyone who is caught teaching 
Polish, even gratuitously, is punished by fine or im- 
prisonment. Polish literature found in the houses of 
private persons is confiscated, and its possessors im- 
prisoned, if the police consider it to bear the least trace 
of any propagandist character.* 

All this, it will be seen, is merely the drastic execu- 
tion of the policy laid down by Treitschke, the prophet 
of modern Germany, and more recently urged by the 
most popular living representative of Prussian ideals, 
H. S. Chamberlain. 

" There is," writes Chamberlain, "no task before 
us so important as that of forcing the German 
language on the world (die deutsche Sprache der 
Welt aufzuzwingen.)" The German has "a twofold 
duty" laid on him: "never must a German abandon 
his own speech, neither he nor his children's children ; 
and in every place, at every time, he must remember 
to compel others to use it until it has triumphed 
everywhere as the German Army has done in war. 
... So far as the German Empire extends, the 
clergy must preach in German alone, in German alone 
the teacher must give his lessons. . . . Mankind must 
be made to understand that anyone who cannot speak 
German is a pariah, "f 

* ' ' The Evolution of Modern Germany, " by W. H. Dawson, 
brings together in its twenty-third chapter most of the facts relat- 
ing to this question. See especially a letter from a prominent 
member of the Polish aristocracy quoted on p. 475. 
fKriegsaufsatze," 1914. 



10 IRELAND AND POLAND 

Such are the ideals and such the practice of the peo- 
ple whom Roger Casement and one or two other en- 
thusiasts for Gaelic culture in Ireland have sought to 
make the dominant power in that country, because it 
will rid them of "English" rule. 

Let us now see what "English" rule (it is not really 
English at all, but the rule of the United Kingdom) 
is actually like in regard to this particular subject. Up 
to the decade 1830-40 it may be said that the Irish 
language was spoken by fully half the population of 
Ireland. No restrictive measures were in force against 
it. But during that decade a general system of elemen- 
tary education was introduced, and in the Board Schools 
the language withered away with astonishing rapidity. 
At the last census (1911) only 16,000 persons were re- 
corded as speaking Irish alone, while the number of 
those who knew anything of the language was only 
about 13 per cent, of the population. Whether this 
change was a blessing or a bane to Ireland is a subject 
which is outside the range of this discussion, but what- 
ever it was the Irish people themselves had a full share 
of responsibility for the result. With scarcely an ex- 
ception, the abandonment of Irish was approved by the 
clergy, the political leaders, and the masses of the peo- 
ple. "The killing of the language," writes Dr. Douglas 
Hyde, "took place under the eye of O'Connell and the 
Parliamentarians, and, of course, under the eye and 
with the sanction of the Catholic priesthood and prel- 
ates. . . . From a complexity of causes which I am 
afraid to explain, the men who for the last sixty years 
have had the ear of the Irish race have persistently 
shown the cold shoulder to everything that was Irish 
and racial. ' ' * Their attitude is easily understood. 
Irish had long ceased to be used for literary purposes. 
No Irish newspapers, no Irish books were printed; 
English was regarded as the only available key to the 
world of modern culture, and Ireland became an 

* "Beside the Fire," pp. xliii, xliv (1890). Dr. Hyde was the 
first president of the Gaelic League, and is now Professor of Mod- 
ern Irish in the National University. 



IRELAND AND POLAND 11 

English-speaking country without a struggle and almost 
without a regret. 

In the early 'nineties, however, a popular movement 
took shape for the rescue of what still remained of the 
language and for its restoration, so far as was prac- 
tically possible. Classes for the study of Irish were 
formed all over the country, folk-tales were collected, 
MSS. of half-forgotten poets were disinterred and 
edited, the first scholarly and adequate dictionary of 
modern Irish was compiled,* and plays, poems, and 
stories began to be written in the re-discovered language. 
These activities were mostly organised and directed by 
the Gaelic League, a body founded in 1893. One can 
easily imagine how a Prussian Government would have 
dealt with such a movement, especially as a certain dis- 
affected element in the country immediately began to 
make use of it for its own ends. The British Gov- 
ernment looked on not only calmly but approvingly. 
When a general demand arose for the effective teach- 
ing of Irish in the elementary schools — though at this 
time only about 21,000 old people were recorded in the 
census as ignorant of English — it was at once agreed 
to. Irish had been permitted and paid for, though not 
markedly encouraged, since 1879. It was now placed on 
a list of subjects which might be taught in school hours, 
and extra fees were allotted for teaching it at the rate 
of ten shillings per pupil — twice the amount allowed for 
French, Latin, or music. Grants are also made to cer- 
tain colleges where teachers of the language can be 
trained. All this began in 1901, and since that time 
over £12,000 a year has been paid for Irish teaching 
directly from Imperial funds — about twice the amount 
collected in the same period by voluntary contributions 
from Ireland and the rest of the world. Nor is this the 
limit of the grant ; it is limited only by the willingness 
of school managers and parents to make use of it. In- 
directly, the State is paying much more, for the various 
professorships and lectureships in Irish subjects — lan- 
guage, history, archaeology, and economics — established 

*By the Eev. P. S. Dineen; published by the Irish Texts So- 
ciety. 



1% IRELAND AND POLAND 

under the National University account for well over 
£3,500 a year. Taking the direct expenditure on ele- 
mentary education alone, the State has paid for Irish 
teaching since 1879 a sum of no less than £209,000. It 
may therefore be claimed that in cultivating her ancient 
language and native traditions, Ireland enjoys the fair- 
est and most liberal treatment ever accorded to a small 
nationality incorporated in a great Empire. 

Reforms and Their Results 

On the reforms which have been thus briefly sketched, 
one or two general remarks may be in place. 

It has sometimes been contended that except by vio- 
lence, or the menace of violence, Ireland has never ob- 
tained anything from the English Legislature. It would 
be truer to say that she has never obtained anything at 
all. England is not a sovereign Power, and does not 
administer Irish affairs, nor even her own. What has 
been gained has been gained from the Legislature of 
the United Kingdom, in which Irishmen, like every other 
race inhabiting that kingdom, have had their full share 
of representation and of influence. And if in Ireland, 
as in other countries, the necessity of reform has some- 
times been made evident by disorder, it is wholly untrue 
to say that this has been always or even usually the case. 
Land-reform in its earliest stages, like trade unionism 
in England, was accompanied by disorder. But the 
greatest measure of Irish land-reform — the Wyndham 
Act of 1903 — was worked out on Irish soil by peaceable 
discussion among the parties concerned, and Parliament 
acted at once upon their joint demand. It was in pre- 
cisely the same way that the Department of Agriculture 
came into being; nor did the great measures of Local 
Government, of University education for Catholics, of 
the Labourers' Acts, or the recognition extended to the 
Gaelic movement, owe their origin to any other cause 
than the wholesome influences of reason and goodwill. 

The internal condition of Ireland already shows a 
marked response to the altered state of things. It is 
visible, as many travellers have noticed, in the face of 



IRELAND AND POLAND 13 

the country; it is proved by official records and statis- 
tics. Emigration has declined to its lowest point; edu- 
cation has spread amongst the people. Irish emigrants, 
when they do leave their own shores, take higher posi- 
tions than ever before. A population of some four mil- 
lions, largely composed of small farmers, has lent forty- 
seven millions sterling to the Government; and, what is 
still more significant, the deposits in Post Office Savings 
Banks have risen from six millions in 1896 to over thir- 
teen millions the year before the war. The new War 
Loan is reported to have had an extraordinary success 
in Ireland. On the last day of subscription a single 
Dublin bank took in one million sterling.* With some 
self-appointed champions of Ireland abuse of the British 
Empire is a very popular amusement, but the Irish 
farmer and the Irish trader put their money in it, and 
with it they stand to win or lose. 

Irish agriculture, partly owing to climatic conditions 
and partly to the fact that Ireland has a monopoly of 
the export of live cattle to England, has developed 
hitherto rather in the direction of cattle-raising than 
of tillage; and cattle have increased since 1851 from 
three million to over five million head, and sheep from 
two millions to three million six hundred thousand. 
Poultry have nearly quadrupled in the same period. 
The gross railway receipts — another significant symp- 
tom—were £2,750,000 in 1886. In 1915 they had risen 
to £4,831,000. The co-operative agricultural associa- 
tions, in which Ireland has shown the way to the Eng- 
lish-speaking world, now number about 1,000, and do a 
trade of well over five millions a year. The thousands 
of labourers ' cottages which have sprung up, each with 
its plot of land, have been to the Irish labourers what 
the Land Acts have been to the farmer — they have com- 
pletely transformed his economic status in the country. 

Accompanying these symptoms of material progress, 
we have witnessed in recent years a striking outburst of 
intellectual activity. Irish literature, in poetry and 
drama, has attracted the attention of the whole world of 
culture, and exact and scholarly research in history 

* The Times, Feb. 17, 1917. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



14 IRELAND AND POU 021 356 712 ' 

and archaeology have flourished and found audiences 
as they were never known to do in Ireland till now. 
This has not been the work of any one section of the 
people, either in creed or in politics; but the whole 
movement has been inspired by an Irish patriotism 
which no sane person regards as conflicting in any de- 
gree with allegiance to the Empire under the shelter of 
which it has grown and prospered. 

The circumstances above set forth do not pretend to 
be the whole story about modern Ireland, nor do they 
show that the millennium has arrived in that country. 
Apart from Home Rule, which is outside our present 
field, much still remains to be done — there is elementary 
education to be advanced, commercial facilities to be 
developed, land-purchase to be completed. But it is 
contended that the real facts about Ireland are wholly 
and absurdly inconsistent with the picture of that coun- 
try which the friends of Germany circulate so indus- 
triously at the present time. Ireland is not an op- 
pressed and plundered nation, ground under the heel of 
a foreign Power, and with her individual life deliber- 
ately stifled like that of Poland in the German Empire. 
Only through ignorance or malice could such an illusion 
gain currency, and it needs only the touch of reality — 
reality which every one can easily see or verify for him- 
self — to dispel it for ever from the mind of every can- 
did inquirer. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



021 356 712 3 f 



